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Riya Saxena
Column

The Crisis in Yemen

Yemen, located on the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, is plagued by a civil war, extreme poverty, malnutrition, an epidemic cholera and now the pandemic COVID-19.

To our shock, world’s largest humanitarian crisis is not Syria, but in Yemen. Thousands have been killed and millions displaced. The conflict has been going on for years but it became especially violent in 2015. That’s when the Saudi-led coalition government got involved which ultimately led to the civil war. In the present day, the poorest country in the Arab region has become a violent playground for regional and international powers.

How did it all start?

After the Arab Spring toppled dictators across the Middle East, Yemenis wanted a change in a political format as well. The then president of Yemen, Ali Abdullah Saleh was forced to give power to his deputy, to Abdrabbuh Mansoor Hadi, in November 2011 after a series of protests from various rebel groups. But the political transition to this new leader failed. There was massive unemployment, food insecurity, suicide bombings and a separate movement in the South. All of these ordeals factoring in to spark a war.

But the political transition to this new leader failed. There was massive unemployment, food insecurity, suicide bombings and a separate movement in the South. All of these ordeals factoring in to spark a war.

Houthis, a political Shia rebel group backed by Iranians and people loyal to former president Saleh were on one side. On the other side, were the forces loyal to the new Hadi government. 

In 2014, Houthi forces took over Yemen’s Capital Sanaa. Early next year, the Houthi and Saleh loyalties tried to take control of the entire country forcing Hadi to flee to Saudi Arabia. While, Saudi Arabia considered the Houthi actions as an immediate threat, it also feared that this could be an opportunity for Iran to gain a foothold on their border. Saudi Arabia accuses Iran of backing the rebels but Tehran denies any involvement.

As a result, Saudi Arabia started an alliance and began a military campaign. It’s had a devastating impact with more than 10,000 people killed since February 2014.

Several other countries are supporting this alliance by providing weapons, intelligence and logistics. The Saudi led coalition wants to restore Hadi’s government but it’s been unable to take back the north of the country including its capital, Sanaa. Meanwhile fighters from Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and ISIL affiliates have taken advantage of the chaos. They have seized parts of the South and stepped up their attacks in government-controlled Aden.

Saudis arranged an agreement that would ensure the resignation of the president Saleh from the office but at the last minute Saleh refused to sign the agreement. This led to renewed protests across the country.

Where does that leave us?

As in every war, civilians are bearing the consequences of this one as well. The destruction of infrastructure and restrictions on food and fuel imports mean 17 million Yemenis will face famine unless they receive humanitarian help soon. But that’s not all. One fear is that international aid is not getting to those who need it the most making cholera outbreak all the more difficult to control.

Saudi actions have exacerbated the outbreak. But it cannot be blamed on the air strikes alone. The majority of the outbreaks are in Houthi-governed areas where they have failed to manage garbage and sewage that filling the streets and to make matter worse two-thirds of the Yemenis don’t have access to clean water. 

The UN has stated that during the past 4 years, the civil war has left at least 17,700 civilians dead or injured.The war is believed to be largely responsible for the cholera epidemic, which as of October 2017 has had over 800,000 cases.

The UN has stated that during the past 4 years, the civil war has left at least 17,700 civilians dead or injured. The war is believed to be largely responsible for the cholera epidemic, which as of October 2017 has had over 800,000 cases.

As of March 2020, UNICEF estimates that 2 million Yemeni children under the age of 5 are suffering from acute malnutrition and are in need of treatment.

This crisis had only been made worse by the arrival of COVID-19. As of June 17th, just 885 confirmed cases were reported and 214 deaths, however, the real figures are expected to be much higher. Testing rates are incredibly low, authorities lack the ability to track the disease, with the health-care system all but collapsed.

As of June 17th, just 885 confirmed cases were reported and 214 deaths, however, the real figures are expected to be much higher. Testing rates are incredibly low, authorities lack the ability to track the disease, with the health-care system all but collapsed.

According to a survey conducted by UN, one in six of Yemen’s 333 districts do not have any doctors, as medical care professionals have fled the country to escape the conflict. The sobering data collected by The International Rescue Committee as of May 21, confirms that for every million people in Yemen, there are only 31 coronavirus tests.

Schools were already destroyed by bombings and now they are being forced to close due to the virus. Before COVID-19, 2 million children were not attending school and now this figure has reached to 7 million in a population of 29 million (as of 2018).

So, what started as a family dispute changed to a political conflict for power amongst the elite of the country which in the long term divided the military and ensured the rise of Al-Qaeda in the South and the Al-Houthi movement in the North and as years passed by the conflict grew into a geo-political front between the Iran and Saudi Arabia.

So, what started as a family dispute changed to a political conflict for power amongst the elite of the country which in the long term divided the military and ensured the rise of Al-Qaeda in the South and the Al-Houthi movement in the North and as years passed by the conflict grew into a geo-political front between the Iran and Saudi Arabia. Since, neither side shows any sign of giving up, Yemen is in a deadlock. It is impossible for people of Yemen to control global pandemic amongst bombs and airstrikes, poverty, lack of aid unless the world unites to help or else, Yemen would soon be irrecoverable and its people permanently devasted.

(1) Mohammed Ghobari, U.N. says 10,000 killed in Yemen war, far more than other estimates, Reuters, Aug 30, 2016, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-security-toll/u-n-says-10000-killed-in-yemen-war-far-more-than-other-estimates-idUSKCN11516W

(2) Lona Cargill, The Yemen Crisis: Civil War, Starvation And Now A Global Pandemic, The Oxford Student, June 18, 2020, https://www.oxfordstudent.com/2020/06/18/the-yemen-crisis-civil-war-starvation-and-now-a-global-pandemic/]

(3) Ibid.
(4) Ibid.
(5) Ibid.
(6) Ibid.
(7) Coronavirus by the numbers, International Rescue Committee, May 27, 2020, https://www.rescue.org/article/coronavirus-numbers
(8) Supra Note 2

Cryptocurrency Judgment
Column

An Overview of the Cryptocurrency Judgment

In the recent landmark judgment of Internet and Mobile Association of India v. RBI, the Supreme Court of India, quashed a circular issued by the Reserve Bank of India that had the effect of banning cryptocurrency-related transactions and freezing the accounts of individuals found having a link to cryptocurrency. 

It was in 1983, when an American cryptographer David Chaum, first introduced cryptographic digital money called “e-cash”. The intention was to create a decentralized digital currency which would operate without a central bank, through an open source networking system. This open source networking system would keep a record of all the transactions. 

The first major application of blockchain technology was Bitcoin, which was released in 2009. Bitcoin is a cryptocurrency whereas blockchain is the technology that underpins it. The blockchain technology behind the Bitcoin cannot be tampered with or changed retrospectively. It is not controlled by one centralized authority, instead it is maintained by a network of people known as miners. These miners, also known as nodes, are people running purpose-built computers which solve complex mathematical problems to make a transaction valid. Now, the individual transactions are grouped together into a block organized by strict cryptocurrency rules. The block is then sent out to the Bitcoin network, which are made up of high powered computers, which validate the transactions. The validated block is then added onto previous blocks creating a chain of blocks called a blockchain. The blockchain has its own advantages. The payment in every transaction in the world is registered on privately-held databases owned by corporate and state entities. These databases are not accessible to the public and are therefore closed. They are also usually owned by one entity. Because of this nature, they could be open to fraud or attacks that could cripple a network, unlike bitcoin’s blockchain. Bitcoin’s blockchain records all transactions in bitcoin, doesn’t allow repeat payments, and requires several parties to authenticate the movement of the digital coin. Because the blockchain is not centralized, it also means that if one part of it went down, the whole network would not collapse. There are different parts of the bitcoin network that require it to work. So, for instance, if one miner went out of action, transactions would still work.

In India, various cryptocurrency transactions started taking place after the introduction of Bitcoin. There was an absence of a regulatory body to keep a check on the use of Bitcoins and its transactions. In April of 2018, the Reserve Bank of India, issued a circular banning the provision of banking services for all those found involved in dealing with virtual currencies rather than the currency itself.

The issue brought to the Supreme Court in the case of Internet and Mobile Association of India v. RBI (1), wherein the Apex Court quashed the RBI’s circular. The Internet and Mobile Association of India and a group of corporations dealing with businesses in cryptocurrency, were the two petitioners who attacked the RBI circular on the grounds that first, virtual currencies are not legal tenders but tradable commodities and so they do not fall into the RBI’s regulatory bounds according to the RBI Act of 1934, Banking Regulation Act of 1949 and the Payment and Settlement Systems Act of 2007. Secondly, they argued that even if virtual currencies were within the scope of RBI, the circular nonetheless violated the freedom of right to practice any profession or to carry on any occupation, trade or business. According to the petitioners, RBI lacked the authority to regulate these currencies even if it did fall within its scope. The petitioners argued that the circular was against the Test of Proportionality, which was first given in the case of Modern Dental College and Research Center v. State of Madhya Pradesh (2). The court rejected the first ground saying that there are certain institutions that accept Virtual Currencies as valid payment for the purchase of goods and services, and that this was sufficient to bring the currencies within the regulatory power of the RBI. The RBI, in defense, also added that the ban was necessary for protecting the formal financial sector and will in return help in combating money laundering, terrorist financing, tax evasion, etc.

The three judge bench of Justice Aniruddha Bose, Justice Rohinton Fali Nariman and Justice V. Ramasubramanian, held that because of the absence of a legislation relating to the virtual currencies, the trade in virtual currencies is a legitimate trade which is protected by the fundamental right to carry on any occupation, trade or business under Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution and so the RBI’s circular dated 6th April 2018, was ultra vires to the provisions of the Constitution. The court stated that the RBI was unable to show that due to the usage of virtual currency, the banks or its regulated entities had suffered any harm or loss. The court also stated that no defect was pointed out in the functioning of the virtual currency exchanges and that virtual exchange trading itself was not banned and that the banking system is the backbone for the operation of such trading. The court held in this case that there were alternative and less intrusive measures available that may similarly achieve same purpose with a lesser degree of limitation, instead of this extreme step of completely banning the currency chosen by the RBI. There was truly no legislation which dealt with virtual currencies and hence, in such a situation, an individual has the right to trade in virtual currencies be it any and it is a legitimate trade.

One of the few Indian crypto currency exchanges, Koinex, was shut down after the Central Bank of India, froze its account which had over Rs. 12 Cr., on the basis of the circular circulated by the RBI. Koinex filed a separate petition in the Supreme Court requesting to have an access to their account. The court in its judgment held that RBI is compelled to direct the Central Bank of India to defreeze the account and release the funds lying in the account, with interest at the rate applicable.

The court made two critical interventions in this case. First, when a person is denied to have an access to banking services, including the effective shutdown of her/his business, the burden of proof lies on the RBI to show that no rights are violated. Second, it rejected the RBI’s argument that there is no fundamental right to trade, sell and invest in virtual currencies.

In conclusion, the judgment marks an important milestone not just in India but also globally. It helps in bringing a positive outlook towards crypto trading activities and has also managed to attract the attention of the Legislature to make certain balanced laws that will protect the interest of users engaged in this trading commodity. This judgment also reaffirmed the applicability of the Doctrine of Proportionality to determine the claims made under Article 19 of the Constitution of India.

However, the Indian government has been deliberating on the “Banning of Cryptocurrency and Regulation of Official Digital Currency Bill 2019” since February last year. The bill was drafted by the Inter-ministerial Committee (IMC) tasked with studying all aspects of cryptocurrencies and providing recommendations. The committee was headed by former Finance Secretary, Subhash Chandra Garg.

RBI reportedly will file a review petition against the judgment with the Supreme Court since it believes that the anonymous nature of cryptocurrencies poses a threat to the country’s banking system. An official explained that a complete ban on cryptocurrencies would not only be difficult to implement but would also lead to underground cryptocurrency trading. Regulating them, on the other hand, would enable the government to oversee their activities, thereby preventing their usage in illegitimate activities.

(1) 2020 SCC OnLine SC 275
(2) (2009) 7 SCC 751

Revocation of Article 370
Column

Revocation of Article 370

Jammu and Kashmir has always been a disputed territory and this despite had taken a significant toll on its economic development. The decision of the NDA Government to abrogate Article 370, that granted the state a Special Status, has prompted Legal as well as Political debates, however, why was the decision required?

At midnight on 14-15 August 1947, in his “Tryst with destiny’ speech, the then Prime Minister Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru spoke on the aspects that transcended Indian history and wanted the makers of the Indian Constitution to commit themselves to the welfare of the Indian people. Before the independence of India, it was announced that with the end of the British rule, the princely states would either become independent or join the Indian Subcontinent or Pakistan. There were about 565 princely states at that time. This was a tough situation for India as this divided India into several small segments.

Kashmir during Partition

Before the independence of India, Kashmir was a princely state under the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh. Hari Singh wanted an independent status for the state, but due to the majority of the Muslim population, Pakistan claimed it to be a part of their territory. There was a popular movement led by Sheik Abdullah, the leader of National Conference, to refrain from joining Pakistan as well as Hari Singh. In October 1947, Pakistan sent tribal infiltrators to capture Kashmir. This forced the ruler of Kashmir to take the help of the Indian Military. Indian Military successfully defeated infiltrators and sent them back. This was only done when the King signed ‘Instrument of Accession’ with the Indian government.

In March 1948, Sheikh Abdullah became the Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. It was also said that when the situation would normalize, then it would be asked from the people of Jammu and Kashmir if they wanted to join India or not. Depending on their majority, India agreed to maintain autonomy with Jammu and Kashmir. 

The Dispute

Kashmir has faced both internal and external conflicts over a period of time. Externally, Pakistan has always considered it to be a part of them. While internally, the dispute arose on the status of the state within India.

The original Kashmir comprised of the three areas presently administered by Pakistan (Azad Kashmir, Gilgit, and Baltistan, known as Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir or POK) since 1947, two being administered by India (Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh) and one by China (Trans Karakoram Tract) since 1962. POK, originally, was also an inherent part of India.

India brought the issue of Kashmir, to the United Nations Security Council for reconciliation. The UNSC resolution of 21st April 1948 stated that both the countries had accepted the UN as a mediator and the decision regarding Kashmir will be taken through a democratic modus operandi of an impartial plebiscite. However, this was not so simple. The plebiscite was the second mention in the resolution, first being the demilitarization of the entire state by Pakistan (it being the aggressor) and then by India and also by China in Aksai Chin (the part of the state in China’s actual control). Therefore, the demand for plebiscite did not stand any legal ground under both Indian and International laws.

Article 370

Article 370 of the Indian Constitution was a ‘temporary provision’ which granted special autonomous status to Jammu & Kashmir. Under Part XXI of the Constitution of India, which deals with “Temporary, Transitional and Special provisions”, the state of Jammu & Kashmir has been accorded Special Status under Article 370. All the provisions of the Constitution which apply to other states are not applicable to J&K.

According to this article, except for defence, foreign affairs, finance and communications, the Parliament needed the State Government’s concurrence for applying any other laws. Therefore, the residents of Jammu & Kashmir lived under a separate set of laws, including those related to citizenship, ownership of property, and fundamental rights, as compared to other Indians.

Article 370 has made India’s integration process incomplete as it bars Indians from the rest of the nation to have their rights in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The Special status is also exploited by the Kashmiri politicians keeping themselves out of the purview of democratic accountability. The rest of the country have CAG, Lokpal and CBI to investigate corruption issues however in Kashmir, due to Article 370, the residents are not subject to these investigative bodies.

Abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A

The Government of India headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi made history on August 5, 2019, by revoking Article 370. It finally paved the way for integration of Jammu & Kashmir entirely to India after seven decades of Independence. The Home Minister also announced bifurcation of the state with Ladakh division to now become a Union Territory without a legislature, and Jammu and Kashmir to be one Union Territory with a legislature.

With the removal of Article 370, Article 35A was also dissolved. This Article prohibits the outsiders from buying a property in the State. Now any Indian can buy a property and also employ themselves in government jobs in Jammu and Kashmir.

What has Changed? 

The Government of India revoked article 370 on the grounds of “economic development and growth” of the state.

  • With the removal of Article 370, Indians across the country can now make investments and provide jobs from private as well as public sectors to the people of Jammu and Kashmir, which earlier was not possible.
  • The voice of the Shias and Buddhists of Ladakh, Hindus and Sikhs of Jammu, as well as Gujjars and Bakarwals, has been completely sidelined. The reservations and other benefits have not been implemented in the same spirit as they were in other parts of the country. 
  • The financial legislation, including the provisions dealing with Gift Tax, Urban Land Ceiling Act, Wealth Tax, etc. will now apply to Jammu and Kashmir.
  • Jammu and Kashmir is now a Union Territory of India along with Ladakh. The Constitution of India will apply to Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh and there will be no separate flag for the state.

The President’s Order overturning the Special Status has set right all these injustices in one go while facilitating the real integration of Jammu and Kashmir to India.

Marital Rape
Column

Chained by wedlock, Raped by husband, Saved by whom?

India is one of the very few countries where Marital Rape has not been criminalized. The Patriarchal origins of the Indian society can be factored in as the main cause for the ignorance of a wife’s bodily autonomy and consent.  

Despite 72 years of independence, the women in our country are not truly free and independent, they live constantly with fear of one kind or the other. It indeed shows the gloomy reality of India. The country where, thousands of women are worshiped as goddesses, ironically thousands are raped. Raped by strangers, raped by someone known, raped by a family member but what happens when a woman is raped by her own husband? 

As Indians, we are taught that marriage is a sacrament and a wife is expected to fulfill all the wishes of her husband which includes agreeing for sex. His sexual appetite is the responsibility of a wife which she has to bear even if she is not at all interested in doing so. Then the word adjust is often used by our society to persuade women to bear all those sufferings in which a rape victim suffers in the hands of her husband. Women’s independence, integrity, dignity, right to live, all and everything are negotiable; sometimes she is staked and diced as a possession. Women cannot speak of this issue to anyone and in our country, no law considers this as a legal offence. As per the judiciary, Marital rape cannot be made a criminal offence as it could become a means of de-stabilising the institution of marriage and could turn into an easy tool for harassing the husbands, as it is already been witnessed that Section 498A of the IPC has been misused at occasions and has become an easy tool by wife for harassing her in-laws. (1)

Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code lays down the definition of rape which includes all forms of sexual assault involving nonconsensual intercourse with a woman. However, Exception 2 to Section 375, exempts unwilling sexual intercourse between a husband and wife from the ambit of the offence, the wife not being under fifteen years of age. The country’s laws on one hand urge every girl child, below 18 years of age, to be protected at all costs but through this legislature, indirectly legitimize child marriage of all those girls who are married between the age of 15-18, and even forced intercourse with her if she’s above the age of 15. The exception has made an unreasonable differentiation (2) between women not only on the basis of their marital status but also their age. The exception is a clear violation of Article 14 and 21 of the Indian Constitution.

Article 14 ensures that “the state shall not deny to any person equality before law or the equal protection of laws within the territory of India”, yet the Indian Criminal Law, discriminates against female victims who have been raped by their husband as against female victims who have been raped by other males. Further, classification is not based on an intelligible differentia. The victims of marital rape can get a protection under The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 and the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013, but not under Indian Penal Code. 

Exception 2 as provided in Section 375, is also a violation of Article 21. Article 21 states that “no person shall be denied of his life and personal liberty except according to the procedure established by law”. The Supreme Court in its judgment in The State of Karnataka v. Krishnapa (3), held that “sexual violence apart from being a dehumanizing act is an unlawful intrusion of the right to privacy and sanctity of a female and that non-consensual sexual intercourse amounts to physical and sexual violence”. Later, in Suchita Srivastava v. Chandigarh Administration (4), the Supreme Court held the right to make choices related to sexual activity with rights to personal liberty, privacy, dignity, and bodily integrity comes under Article 21 of the Constitution. 

More recently, in the case of Justice K.S. Puttuswamy (Retd.) v. Union of India (5), the Supreme Court held ‘right to privacy’ as a fundamental right of all citizens and held that the right to privacy includes “decisional privacy reflected by an ability to make intimate decisions primarily consisting of one’s sexual or procreative nature and decisions in respect of intimate relations.” Forced sexual cohabitation is a violation of that fundamental right. (6) From the above rulings it can be said that forced sexual activity even by a husband is in violation of Article 21.

India is one of the very few countries that have not criminalized marital rape. According to the National Family Health Survey of India, 40% of women in the age group of 15-50 have experienced physical, emotional or sexual violence by their husbands. (7)

Our society is changing continuously and so our laws should as well. One such change needed desperately is the criminalization of Marital rape. The private bill titled ‘The Women’s Sexual, Reproductive and Menstrual Rights Bill, 2018’ introduced in the Lok Sabha by Congress MP Dr Shashi Tharoor was turned down. The bill made marital rape a crime and gave more decisional autonomy to women in the termination of pregnancy. Various reasons were given and the parliamentarians argued against passing of the bill.

To conclude, I make the following suggestions:

  1. We should move towards criminalization of marital rape and not treat it as a taboo. 
  2. Amendment in the procedural and evidential laws to incorporate such norms as maintenance and other such rules as a consequence of marital rape.
  3. The spouse against whom the act of marital rape has been committed will be entitled to maintenance and it should be one of the grounds to grant divorce.
  4. Rape as well as Marital Rape ought to be a Gender-neutral offence. The definition of rape is currently biased towards one gender, however the possibility of husbands also being raped or forced into sexual activities should not be overlooked. 

Rape of any women, irrespective of the marital status is a violation of her bodily integrity and dignity. With change in laws like adultery and LGBTQ rights, marital rape must be criminalized as well, at the earliest so that our society does not have to wait for another Nirbhaya or Priyanka Reddy magnitude of tragedy to bring about a wave of revolution in our country.

(1) Arnesh Kumar V. State of Bihar, SC Criminal Appeal no. 1277 of 2014, Cr. No. 9127 of 2013
(2) Reasonable classification was given by the Supreme Court in:  Budhan Choudhary v. State of Bihar, AIR (1955) SC 191(India) and State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar, AIR(1952) SC 75(India) 
(3) AIR (2000) 4SCC 75
(4) AIR (2008) 14 SCR 989
(5) AIR (2017) SC 4161
(6) AIR (1975) SC 1378
(7) National Family Health Survey (NFHS-30), International Institute for Population Sciences, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare Government of India, Vol 1 (2005-06), https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/FRIND3/FRIND3-Vol1AndVol2.pdf

GC Garg & Associates, Jaipur
Internship Experiences

Internship experience at G. C. Garg & Associates, Jaipur

Name, College, Year of study of the student intern: Riya Saxena, Ramaiah Institute of Legal Studies, Bengaluru, 3rd year (5-year integrated law)

Name of the Organization: G.C. Garg & Associates, 
D-105, Lal Kothi Marg, Bapu Nagar,
Jaipur, Rajasthan

Duration of internship: 16th January 2020- 8th February 2020

Office hours: 9:00 A.M. to 8:00 P.M. with only Sundays off.

Application procedure:

You can apply by sending a cover letter and resume on the Email ID: gcgargadvocate1962@hotmail.com

Phone number: +91-1412707367

First day formalities, infrastructure, first impression:

On the first day of my internship, I reached before time and waited for Sir to come. I was welcomed and addressed by Advocate Alok Garg, Managing Partner at G.C Garg & Associates. He is known practicing lawyer at the High Court, Rajasthan as well as in Debt Recovery Tribunal, Jaipur. Thereafter, he asked me about my areas of interest and my previous internships. He then asked me to go through the Commercial Courts Act and make a report on it. He also gave a brief about the same. 

The formal introduction with all the associates and clerks takes place during lunch where everyone in the chamber eats together. My first experience was positive.

Major roles and responsibilities:

I was required to assist on the on-going cases. I was expected to do research from various sources. I was also asked to make case notes, attend proceedings in High Court, Jaipur as well as in Debt Recovery Tribunal, Jaipur according to their listing of matters. The research topics ranged from Corporate and Constitutional Laws, Insolvency and Bankruptcy Laws to even Family laws. Research, attending Court Proceedings and Drafting Work was the major work allotted.

Working Environment:

The work environment is quite strict. The associates as well as the interns were not allowed to use their phones during the working hours. You can take only one break for lunch of 30-35 minutes. 

The office is located very near to the High Court, Jaipur. The chamber has a good infrastructure with an impressive library. Access to SCC and Manupatra and other assistance to make your research effective and efficient is also provided.

The associates, clerks and everyone present was very co-operative. Everyone was very professional, and disciplined.

Highlight of the internship:

From witnessing Sir arguing in the Court to working with him on cases, the whole experience was very enlightening. Alok sir also makes sure that appreciation is given when earned. Appreciation from someone of his stature means a lot. The dedication and discipline Sir worked with had inspired me from day one.

Bad things:

The internship is not an easy one especially for someone who likes to work in a relaxed atmosphere. The strictness with respect to time had to be always kept in mind.

Overall experience:

My overall experience was very good. Apart from the many things useful for my legal profession, I have learnt the importance of time management and a disciplined way of life. I definitely recommend this internship to all the future lawyers who are willing to challenge themselves to learn new things and follow a strict routine throughout the week. The assistance and experience given by Sir himself was commendable. He was always willing to solve all my doubts and helped me to create a different perspective to look at things from. 

Stipend:

No stipend.

Suggestions for accommodation and places to chill nearby:

The chamber is situated in Lal Kothi, where one can easily find PGs and rooms on rent. There are number of coaching centers present in the area due to which the availability of accommodation is not a problem. There are various food joints at about 700 meters from the office. One can also find quite a number of cafes, restaurants, dining places nearby.

Any prospect for Pre-Placement offers or P.P.O.:

Though this internship is worth an experience, one should not have high expectation with respect to pre-placement offer. 

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